Traditional Roots is a wittily titled examination of the relationship
between the Orange Order and the Irish Episcopal church – or as it grandly
styles itself – the ‘Church of Ireland’.
The controversy since 1995 around the annual church parade to Drumcree Parish
Church in Portadown, Co Armagh has brought this relationship to public
attention. The author, who is the rector of Glenavy Parish Church in Co Antrim,
believes that the violent scenes in and around the Drumcree church have
compromised the Church of Ireland’s Christian witness. A onetime junior
Orangeman himself, Mr Storey sets out a case for ‘progressive disengagement’
of the links between his church and the Orange Order.
Although the Church of Ireland and the Orange Order have a large overlapping
membership, especially in rural parishes, and they share a similar outlook on a
number of issues, the author contends that they have fundamentally different
aims. He takes a chapter each to look at the history of the Order and the
Church. He acknowledges that both bodies’ interests have been interwoven over
the past few centuries. After all, the Irish Episcopal church became known as
the ‘Church of Ireland’ because it was the legally established State Church
for over three centuries until 1869. To its own members – and to those of
other communions – it became known as the ‘British church’ in Ireland as
it identified with the Empire and the Union.
Wedded as it is to the Union and Nineteenth Century notions of the Empire, it
understandable that the Orange Order has had strong informal links with the
Church of Ireland for many years.
Since partition in 1921, the Church of Ireland has struggled to find a secure
place in the public life of the independent Irish State. It lost its power, its
prestige and a large swathe of its members after independence. In the
overwhelmingly Catholic society that emerged, the Church of Ireland has to keep
its head well down to ensure its survival in uncertain times. It’s no
surprise, then, that the most vocal criticism of the Orange Order in the church
should come from parishes in the Republic. The Church of Ireland’s perceived
public association with the Orange Order at Drumcree acutely embarrasses these
folk.
What’s to be done then? Mr Storey has given this matter some thought.
Church of Ireland members could look the other way, bury their heads in the sand
and hope the matter goes away. This, he argues, is not a good approach for the
Church or the Order.
Some voices in the Church of Ireland, most notably the Catalyst Group, would
cut all ties with the Orange Order and close all church doors against it. Mr
Storey doesn’t see it in such black and white terms.
For example, he acknowledges that Ulster Protestants, unionists and Orangemen
see themselves as in retreat on all fronts. Despite the ending of overt
hostilities, he realises that Ulster is now the focus of a nasty cultural cold
war. In this phase of the conflict, Protestants, unionists and Orangemen are
forced onto the back foot:
"Other means for fighting the conflict have been developed… The
parades issue is a prime example of community antagonism in Northern Ireland
being fought in another context…"
"Whatever the circumstances of any particular parade it is implausible
to suggest that elements within republicanism have not takes opportunities to
capitalise and increase agitation in certain situations within the context of an
greater agenda of political struggle. The Orange Order has been demonised and
politically manoeuvred by various parts of the republican movement."
Gerry Adams confirmed this impression in his infamous 1997 address to a Sinn
Féin meeting in the Republic: "Ask any activist in the North if
Drumcree happened by accident and they will tell you ‘No’. Three years of
hard work went into creating that situation; and fair play to those people who
put the work in. These are the type of scene changes that we have to focus on,
develop; and exploit."
Mr Storey argues that it is quite valid for a member of the Church of Ireland
to be a unionist – or indeed an Irish nationalist. He sets out lucid arguments
to show that the Church of Ireland is separate from the Orange Order and that it
has no calling to promote the aims and objectives of such separate bodies. "The
Church of Ireland is no longer part of the party political voice of unionism or
a co-traveller with the Orange Order in its cause." He makes the clear
point that its members are generally decent people who mean no harm to anyone,
so the Orange Order ought not to be demonised by the Church of Ireland. There
ought to be an ‘appropriate relationship’ – open and above board ‘progressive
disengagement’. This, he hopes, should give rise to soul-searching within the
Protestant-unionist-loyalist community. Their political philosophy does not need
any theological justification of denominational ‘imprimatur’.
This point is certainly true. However, the ideology of many unionists does
have a strong theological foundation. What such a breech will do to the morale
of Orangemen who are also Church of Ireland members is open to question. It
could be devastating if the church that nurtured them is seen to cast them
adrift. As Mr Storey himself acknowledges: "The Protestant community in
Northern Ireland is very inarticulate. It is obviously not the case that there
is an absence of opinion, but rather that it is not easily verbalised. This does
not contribute to a peaceful society, because an inability to articulate and
reasonably argue a political view leads to frustration, anger and a sense of
alienation. If one also accepts the thesis that the Protestant community is both
insecure and pessimistic at present, this does not aid its ability to
articulate."
The Church of Ireland, he argues can help here. The Church should "foster
political debate and the ability to express a viewpoint" in its
membership. That’s great; as long as the Church hierarchy don’t decide what
political path those members should travel. Many of us who campaigned for a No
vote still remember the cynical use made by NIO spindoctors of Church of Ireland
Primate, Dr Robin Eames, to engineer a Yes vote in the Good Friday Agreement
referendum. The lingering suspicion has never been dispelled that his elevation
to the House of Lords - soon after the ‘right’ vote was delivered - was a
thank you present from Tony Blair. If there is going to be a separation from
party politics it going to have to be all or nothing or the Church of Ireland
will be cutting its own throat if it goes through with this.
Mr Storey’s book is compelling reading. Many will take issue with the
author’s arguments, but he at least is asking questions that do need to be
asked. The onus is now on others, notably the leadership of the Orange Order to
set out their own case for a continued relationship with the Church of Ireland
and other Protestant denominations.
David Kerr